Showing posts with label 1997. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1997. Show all posts

Saturday, 9 January 2016

term time

Green leader Patrick Harvie to wrote a column in yesterday's National, accepting as routine and uncontroversial across all oarties the bill to put off the 2020 Scottish election to 2021. He writes that he anticipates our electoral term becoming 5 years from now on to fit with the British and European terms and avoid clashes.

What's so wrong with clashes then? What is wrong with simply having an election at some other date than May when you want to avoid a clash? What, only since 1997, is suddenly so magic about May for elections?

Why the hell do the Greens, on the whole the most reformist party, want to go along with a consensus to make elections less frequent? How does that help reform anything?

Why would they, or indeed a nationalist government, want to change for worse Scotland's election cycle to acommodate Britain's, when there is no need to? Especially when there is much discontent by British-level political journalists that the term is too long. This 5 year term, this reduction in elections now presented as permanent, originated entirely from the party interests only for the 2010 parliament in making a right wing coalition deal of despised memory!

It rather looks like the Greens have succumbed to temptation to accept the gravy train giving them a free ride of holding their seats for the extra year, between having to see how they as small party perform in elections.

Monday, 9 November 2015

Nats not wanting budgetary home rule!

No there should not be a devolving of the power to call a repeat of a ref you've already had recently, away from the British polity having any say in it. It would be a dumb thing for them to vote for that ib the Scotland Bill, vote away any power to stop the fanatics from keeping us voting and never accepting any result until it's their way. It is totally constitutionally right to dismiss Salmond's nerve in proposing this. His own predecessor Gordon Wilson has already told him, talk of a second ref annoys No voters and gives false hope to Yes voters, earning the votes of neither.

No it is not a unionist trick to devolve lots of strong income tax powers, as some tricky jerk was just arguing on Radio Scotland. The argument was that income tax is a power no government electorally likes to exercise, so that it's not real home rule to give us a power we won't want to use. AND IT'S NOT REAL BELIEF IN SELF-GOVERNMENT TO BE UNWILLING TO USE IT! It's a total contradiction of nationalism, it's what you would have to do in your own state. What happened to saying we have a more left wing culture more eager to vote for tax and redistribution? What price every moan the SNP government makes about supposed budget cuts, when it has never chosen to use the devolved tax power of 3p that has existed ever since the 1997 referendum? Was it worth devolving that power? To sustain the claim of a left wing culture you have to say it was.SO WHY HAVE YOU NEVER USED IT, innit?

Friday, 20 December 2013

trust a journalist?

Joyce Macmillan is no star of positivity in referendums. It was me whose letter against her chairing of the Edinburgh launch of the Yes-Yes campaign in 1997 was published headed "Worse than Westminster?" in Charter 88's journal Citizens, an edition from early 1998. Frustrating it is no longer online to link to, it was once, since Charter merged into Unlock Democracy. She slapped down speakers who made any point from their personal life experience in support of the campaign and proposing the campaign could use their point. She showed she just wanted it to be an elite class's safe controlled campaign pushing out anything so unpredictable as real life.

Already before this, at a day event by Oxfam in 1996 that she chaired, when I raised the constitutional case against rent and mortgages she chose not to make the 2 politicians beside her (Menzies Campbell and George Foulkes) respond to it on grounds that "I don't think anyone know what you're talking about" without making any opening for me to explain in full where it comes from so that she would know what I was talking about, and without expressing any concern that her newspaper colleagues had not made it known to her.

Within this year she was writing in her column that a No win is inevitable and getting cornered by electoral luck into holding the referendum at all was tragic for the SNP. But last night she was on Newsnight, with a totally changed position, saying the No campaign is too negative about the country's virtues and predicting that if it continues their support will evaporate, i.e. a Yes win. This from a position of declaring as Yes-inclined now herself.

This is selective. It should follow equally that Yes support will evaporate if that campaign continues not taking voters seriously:
  • by having policies that require the agreement of some party outside our new state, Britain or the EU, that has already said it won't agree.
  • and By spivvily not responding to enquiries for clear positions on items like the citizenship item raised here already.
If we are just faced with 2 spivvy campaigns both messing us around and not addressing details seriously, the winning side may be the side of not voting at all.

Wednesday, 24 October 2012

EU mucked up

Nobody needs telling that Salmond has not had a happy day in the newspapers. Or in his party. Blink and savour having a majority government while it lasts, it may be over any minute.

Just when the SNP's years of tabloid law and order nastiness towards the young seemed to be starting to thaw, as he pledged a bill to make the voting age 16 properly. How will all that young bashing, the tightening up on pubs and their under-18 licensing, look in hindsight if the same party that did it makes some breathtakingly ironically British history by turning out to drive votes at 16 into place across all Britain's elections? After the half generation of nasty reluctance and faffing there has been by the British major parties, continuing not to do it, all through the new era of reform opportunities since Thatcherism ended in 1997?

Just when Salmond seemed to start turning a bit nicer to the young again, now that he needs their votes, he had to go and spoil his whole enterprise by the sneakiness over our continued EU membership, where the SNP has now been tripped up. To try to be popular he persisted in saying he would go along with the existing British system's narky old racist line of not joining Schengen. If we had to rejoin the EU as a new member we might have to join Schengen: GOOD - I want to join Schengen. So does any rational and humane person who fears the losability of travel documents and finds covering the world in apartheid passport barriers an obstacle to common sense life. Though Schengen only exists because the EU does, you can even belong to Schengen without belonging to the EU, like Norway, which is worth knowing if our membership gets interrupted.

It was not worth telling fibs and blowing trust for the whole Yes campaign when it was falling behind in support already, to get out of joining Schengen and pander to Tory passport racism. That will be a mortifying mortal failing for the Yes campaign to be remembered with in history.

OCT 26: Newsnet Scotland here has posted a story that was in the Herald, of the European Commission Vice-President saying EU citizenship once given can't be taken away. Yes supporters on Facebook can criticise the BBC for not majoring on this story, but they are seizing on it too eagerly, it does not establish Scotland would be in the EU, only that we would not lose our citizenship for travelling to the EU.

Tuesday, 20 July 2010

MSP correspondence on it

[Jun 16. ]
Dear Mr Frank
Thank you for your email of 14 June, asking for clarification of what is meant by “The remaining 11 [responses] have not been published because they do not conform to our standards for publication”.

This refers to responses which contain wording that may potentially be harmful to others, or which might cause offence. Page 34 of the consultation document makes it clear that such material will not be published when it says that “We will check all responses where agreement to publish has been given for any wording that might be harmful to others before putting them in the [Scottish Government] library or on the [Scottish Government] website”.

I hope this is helpful.

Scottish Government Referendum Team

To the 3 SNP regional MSPs. [for Lothian. Jun 19.]

I took part in the National Conversation and the referendum bill consultation. I actually take an interest, and the numbers who did were less than you wished.

It is announced that 11 submissions have been withheld from the publicly accessible record on grounds of "any wording that might be harmful to others". But how do the public know how this has been decided? How did respondents know by what criteria content would be reckoned as "harmful to others"?

It is an unusually restricting form of words for a consultation to use. It makes for an appearance that the selection of responses to release may be partial. This devalues the whole exercise.

The consultation was not done by parliament, but if its findings feature in parliamentary business, e.g. in moves for the referendum, then certainty on how the responses have been filtered will most certainly be parliament's business and your opponents' business. Hence, the issue should be in order for petitioning on.

I put it to each of you, and to the SNP Government: that the submissions concerned should be released with blank-outs made where the items of concern are, and at the blanked-out points, the grounds for concern be stated. This is transparency.

Do you agree that it is common sense, that if this is done, then the respondent's answers to other questions, which do not contain any grounds for concern, will still be on the record? e.g. their response to the question on framing the referendum question on fruther devolution, may be unrepeated by any other respondent and may be a normal debating answer containing nothing of concern, while it is an answer to another question that has caused their entire submission to be suppressed.

Also, if an item is suppressed which has appeared in other public consultations without any "harmful to others" effects, then the respondent can invite interested parties to ask why.

e.g. A story about moving back to Scotland from growing up in exile, in the close pre-1997 period, and on your eighth day here getting lied to by the police that your new home is in a rough area, which later you can prove it is not. A paranoid bureaucrat may think: Must suppress this, too dangerous to write about the police lying. But if it is stated that the case was publicised in a letter to a local newspaper, without contest from the police, after it had been established through a police complaint that this wrong happened: then the consultation hosts know that it is legally safe to accept that story as content. Other consultations, e.g. directly on housing policy, have accepted it in publicly released submissions, and no legal horrors resulted for them.

Hence it is a matter of public interest and transparency of information, that the referendum consultation's hosts should be asked to specify how this content can be "harmful to others?" It is of relevant interest to the referendum's conduct, to flag up that the campaign should include content about how returners from the diaspora have been treated by the state, and that any independence movement that wants to be seen genuinely caring about ordinary people is bound to take committal positions on such events, and want them subjected to public scrutiny where the victim himself also wants that. This would justify a Yes vote, while cynical determination to remain noncommittal on it would justify a No vote.

[Jul 12] from Alex Salmond to Shirley-Anne Somerville.

Thank you for your letter of 22 June, enclosing correspondence from one of your constituents, Mr Maurice Frank, about the consultation on the draft Referendum (Scotland) Bill.

Mr Frank expressed his concerns about the decision not to publish 11 responses to the consultation on the grounds that some of the wording contained in them might have been deemd to be "harmful to others". I understand that Mr Frank raised this issue with officials in the Referendum Bill Team when he wrote to them on 14 June, querying the meaning of the phrase on the Scottish Government website that "11 [responses] have not been published because they do not conform to our standards for publication" My officials advised that this referred to responses which contain wording that may potentially be harmful to others, or which might cause offence. They also advised thatthe consultation document had indicated that the Scottish Government would withhold all or part of such responses by saying that it would "check all responses where agreement to publish has been given for any wording that might be harmful to others before putting them in the library or on the website. "

As Mr Frank may be aware, Scottish ministers are responsible for the contents of consultation responses published by them or otherwise made publicly available. It is therefore important that we do not seem to condone comments which we consider might cause offence or harm.

On reading the 11 responses, my officials concluded that each of them contained material that fell into that category. The extent and nature of the material varied between responses. My officials therefore concluded that all responses containing any such material should not be published, rather than simply redacting the relevant material. I do not think that Mr Frank's specific suggestion for dealing with this issue - that responses could have been released with such material blanked out, accompanied by an explanation of why - would have achieved the same end of preventing potentially harmful material from being published.

I can of course assure you and Mr Frank that the 11 responses will be taken into account in our analysis of all the responses to the consultation and in finalising the Bill.

I hope that this reply is helpful for you in replying to Mr Frank. I am of course happy for you to share this letter with him.

Alex Salmond